Abstract
The ﾒfactﾓ that Japan is an island
country
with a homogeneous population and a
unique
culture has been repeated often enough
by
politicians, textbooks and teachers,
and
the media that almost everyone believes
it.
Recently, however, the multicultural
elements
in Japan have become more difficult
to deny.
This paper will examine the Nikkeijin
from
South America and the zanryuu fujin/koji
(war-displaced Japanese from China).
These
two groups of people of Japanese descent
are returning to Japan under entirely
different
circumstances, but are confronted with
similar
problems. It appears that many of their
problems
are caused in part by their displaced
ethnic
identities.
Key words: Mulicultural Japan, Nikkeijin,
War-displaced Japanese from China
INTRODUCTION
The ﾒfactﾓ that Japan is an island
country
with a homogeneous population and a
unique
culture has been repeated often enough
by
politicians, textbooks and teachers,
and
the media that almost everyone believes
it.1）
Recently, however, the muticultural
elements
in Japan have become more obvious and
more
difficult to deny. There are more than
one
million six hundred thousand foreigners
in
Japan who hold long term visas or are
permanent
residents. Of this number, almost six
hundred
thousand are ethnic Koreans and Chinese,
the ﾒold-comersﾓ who have been in Japan
for
generations. The other one million
foreigners
are the so called ﾒnew-comersﾓ most
of who
have came to Japan to help alleviate
the
labor shortage, some to marry the eldest
sons in underpopulated rural areas,
and to
work in the ﾒentertainment industry.ﾓ
A very
few are refugees from South East Asia
(only
about 200 people).2） This multiculturalism
is disturbing to some Japanese, who
at the
very least, fear that the Japanese
unique
culture will be threatened. However
some
critics of multiculturalism fear more
than
a dilution of culture. They predict
that
the immigrants will cause an increase
in
crime, a disruption of moral values,
and
an increase in the unemployment rate.3）
Included in this influx of ﾒnew comers,ﾓ
are people of Japanese descent, returning
to Japan, many of them with their families.
The Nikkei from South America and the
zanryuu
fujin / koji (war-displaced Japanese
from
China)4） are returning to Japan under
entirely
different circumstances, but are confronted
with similar problems. After presenting
the
historical background for both groups,
this
paper will discuss their problems with
acclimatizing
to, or perhaps more to the point, being
accepted
by Japanese society.
BACKGROUND TO JAPANESE EMIGRATION
Japanese had emigrated to the Philippines,
Korea, and other southeast Asian countries
before the Tokugawa shoganate made
travel
overseas illegal in 1635.5） After
the prohibition
of travel overseas was lifted in 1866,
Japanese
were hired as sailors on some American,
French,
British, and Dutch ships which had
been allowed
access to Japanese harbors. Foreign
labor
brokers and the American Consulate
in Japan
made arrangements for Japanese laborers
to
work overseas. The Japanese laborers
bound
for Guam and Hawaii were known as the
ﾒGannenshaﾓ
because they left Japan in the first
year
(Gannen) of the Meiji Period (1868).
The
labor conditions in Guam were atrocious
and
many Japanese migrant laborers died
from
malnutrition, injuries, and disease.
In 1871,
twenty-eight survivors returned to
Japan.
Although the labor conditions were
somewhat
better in Hawaii, cultural differences
and
language problems led to misunderstandings.
In 1870, forty-three laborers were
returned
to Japan when their contracts expired.
Although
neither of the ﾒGannenshaﾓ groups of
emigrant
laborers were successful, large numbers
of
Japanese emigrants continued to flow
out
of Japan.6）
During the Meiji Period, Japan was going
through its Westernization, modernization,
and industrialization phase. The farmers,
especially in the Tohoku region bore the
brunt of this activity. Unable to pay their
property taxes they were forced to morgage
their land and leave their farms for the
cities. However, Japan had not modernized
quickly enough to be able to make use of
this surplus labor supply in domestic industries.
The first group of officially organized emigrants
(kanyaku imin官約移民) left for Hawaii with
28 thousand applicants in 1885.7） Not planning
to live abroad permanently, most of these
laborers expected to stay just long enough
earn money to send home to help their families
and relatives. Since wages were relatively
higher in North America, from 1901 to 1907,
some 57 thousand migrant workers left Hawaii
for the Mainland.
Although the wages in North America seemed
high to the Japanese migrant worker from
Hawaii, they were actually receiving lower
wages than their American counterparts. Stating
that the immigrant laborers were threatening
their jobs, labor unions pressured for immigration
restrictions. In 1924, all immigration by
Japanese to the United States was prohibited
8） and South America became an outlet for
Japanese emigrant labor. 吉岡メリー・エレン
Immigration to South America from Japan began
in 1899 when the Sakura Maru left for Peru
with 970 Japanese laborers on board. The
labor conditions were extremely harsh but
the wave of Japanese kept coming until the
immigrant Japanese population in Peru grew
to 21 thousand in 1936. By this time 63%
of the Nikkeijin were in the service industries
or maintained business enterprises, 30% were
farm workers, 7% were factory workers. In
1907 the Kasato Maru brought 781 Japanese
laborers to work in Brazilian coffee plantations.
The harsh working conditions and malaria
killed many of these workers.
In time, some of the Japanese communities
in Peru and Brazil became enclaves of expatriates
who stuck to themselves and maintained their
own Japanese schools, Nikkei societies, agricultural
associations, mutual financing associations,
banks, hotels, restaurants, bookstores, movie
theatres, newspapers, and cabarets. Many
of the Japanese in South America felt that
they were from a superior culture and had
nothing to gain from intermingling with the
natives. Since they were protected by their
own Japanese colonies, they never felt they
were ﾒoutsidersﾒ. The Japanese immigrants in
industrialized Sao Paulo, however were not
as clannish and assimilation came more quickly.
Even in the Japanese enclaves, the second
and third generations began to break away
from their parentsﾕ values and began to actively
participate in the local society. Never expecting
to return to Japan, some families decided
to stay in South America permanently. Others
thought they would return when they had saved
enough money.9）
During the Second World War the Japanese
in South America were subjected to many restrictions.
Some had their land and businesses confiscated;
some were sent to North American internment
camps.10） Most of these people, however,
returned to South America and started life
over again.
Hawaii, North and South America were important
destinations for surplus Japanese laborers,
but Asian countries became a new destination.
In the 1930s, surplus laborers from Japan
began to emigrate to Asian countries. In
1932 Japan occupied three northeastern provinces
in China and the puppet state called Manchukuo
was created. Young Japanese men below twenty
years old were trained in military camps
set up in Manchukuo and whole villages were
recruited to settle in Manchuria. Often the
second or third sons from farming villages
were sent to Manchukuo to settle, and ﾒmail-order-bridesﾒ
were sent later. They were promised a utopia,
a heaven on earth, and were helping the Japanese
war effort.11）
Even when defeat seemed imminent, the young
children, women, and older people were left
on their own in Manchuria as a sort of buffer
against the advancing Russian troops. Many
of them were stranded in northeastern China,
especially in Heilongjian, Liaoning, and
Jilin, when the war ended.12） Most of the
railroad tracks in the area had been distroyed
making evacuation difficult. Some of these
civilians were able to leave the area by
horse and buggy, others tried to walk to
evacuation centers.13） At the end of the
war, there were at least 220 thousand Japanese
ﾒpioneersﾓ still in Manchuria. Within a little
over a year as many as 80 thousand had died
from malnutrition, typhoid fever, cholera,
and other diseases. Many of the young children
were too weak to withstand the journey and
were left behind; other children survived
group suicide attemps and became orphans.
Some women waited for their husbands to return,
some were too sick to make the journey. The
opportunity to return to Japan had been missed.
Many of these women and children were adopted
by Chinese families.14） The women became
what is called ﾒzanryuu fujinﾓ and the children
became ﾒzanryuu koji.ﾓ ﾒZanryuuﾓ means to
remain or stay behind. But the English term,
ﾒdisplaced war wives and orphans,ﾒ seems
more descriptive of their situation even
after they were allowed to return to Japan,
a topic that will be discussed later on in
this paper.
As Japanese, they encountered discrimination
and prejudice in China. Some could not find
jobs in China because they were Japanese
war orphans. Some Chinese families relocated
so their adopted Japanese children could
pass as Chinese. Some children were not even
told the truth about their identity until
they were middle-aged.15）
RETURNING TO JAPAN
THE NIKKEI FROM SOUTH AMERICA
In 1984, a Nikkeijin from Brazil who
had
come to Japan to visit his relatives
started
to help in their family business. He
sent
for his family to join him in Japan
and had
his visa extended. Stories of high
paying
jobs in Japan soon spread in South
America.
More Nikkeijin came to Japan to visit
their
relatives and ended up working in Japan.16）
In 1990 the Immigration Control and
Refugee
Recognition Act was modified so that
second
and third generation Nikkeijin could
enter
Japan to do unskilled labor even though
they
did not possess Japanese citizenship.
They
were to take the place of undocumented
laborers
from Asia during the economic boom
years
when there was a great demand for manual
labor.
The number of South Americans entering Japan
changed dramatically. In 1986 there were
only 3,961 registered foreigners from South
America. In 1989, the number rose to 21,899;
in one year, this number increased to 71,495.
After the regulations were modified the number
rose to 153,099 in 1991. In 1995, there were
221,865 South Americans registered in Japan.
There are actually more Nikkeijin in Japan,
though, than these statistics suggest because
the first and second generation Nikkeijin
who entered Japan with Japanese citizenship
are not included in this number. About 90%
of the South Americans in Japan are Nikkeijin.
Most of the workers from South America come
from Brazil(79.5%), and their number exceeds
170 thousand, making them the third largest
group of foreigners in Japan. The Nikkeijin
from Peru, the sixth largest group of foreigners
in Japan, number somewhat over 50 thousand.17）
The Portuguese speakers from Brazil and the
Spanish speakers from the other South American
countries such as Paraguay and Peru tend
to have separate networks and are usually
hired in groups according to their country
of origin. This segregation may make communication
easier for the workers, and it probably makes
it easier for the brokers to round up workers,
but it also keeps the Nikkeijin apart from
mainstream Japan and even from their fellow
workers.
A majority of these migrant workers are men
in their twenties or thirties. Their education
levels range from less than elementary school
to university graduates. The kinds of jobs
they held before coming to Japan reflect
their various education levels. The better
educated held such white collar professions
as doctors, teachers, and engineers. Some
were office workers, shop or restaurant owners.
Some were students with part time jobs. However
the kinds of jobs they hold in Japan do not
reflect their levels of education or job
experience. Their jobs tend to be in the
unskilled labor categories and are not stable
positions that guarantee long-term employment.
Moreover most employers do not provide them
with company paid health insurance. The workers
themselves have to pay for Kokumin Hoken
国民保険(State Insurance).18）
The Nikkeijin have long term visas and some
have left their jobs in the factories and
have started to set up their own ethnic businesses,
such as travel bureaus, restaurants, import
shops and the like. Many have brought their
families with them because they feel that
Japan is a safe country and their children
can get a good education and a chance to
learn about their heritage.19） Although
some elementary schools with heavy concentrations
of Nikkeijin have set up special Japanese
language classes for them, language still
remains a barrier, making it difficult for
Nikkei children to enter high schools and
universities. In very few cases are they
given instruction in Spanish or Portuguese
with the result that some of the children
are forgetting their mother tongue. This
is causing a communication gap between the
parents and their children.20） Many of the
Nikkeijin intend to return to South America
and their children will need Spanish or Portuguese
language skills in that event.
The emigrants from Japan to Brazil were looked
upon as Japanese by the Brazilians. But after
they returned to Japan to work they are considered
foreigners by the Japanese. They are subjected
to discrimination and prejudice.21） The
Nikkeijin from Brazil may have been called
Japanese, but never ﾒforeigner.ﾒ The words
ﾒgaijinﾓ 外人 and ﾒketou 毛唐ﾓ were used
by the Nikkeijin themselves in Brazil as
pejorative names for people outside the Nikkei
community. So when they hear the word used
against them in Japan they feel unfairly
insulted by the Japanese, especially because
they have always considered themselves to
be ﾒinsideﾓ the Japanese group.22） School
children taunt them with ﾒButajirujin 豚汁人ﾓ
(Butajiru is a kind of soup made with pork
and vegetables.) and tell them to go back
to Brazil where they belong.23）
Before the economic bubble burst, many Nikkeijin
workers were given housing allowances, however,
most of them now have to pay rent out-of-pocket.
Sometimes as many as six people are living
in a one room apartment. Making the housing
situation even worse, it is difficult for
foreigners to rent apartments in Japan. Even
if they have guarantors, they are sometimes
turned down by real estate agents, who claim
that neighbors complain that foreigners have
late-night noisy parties, are dirty, and
turn the radio up too loud. Many Nikkeijin
can find nothing better than inconveniently
located rat and cockroach infested apartments.
If they are forced out of even these dwellings,
Japan will become the host to homeless Nikkeijin.24）
Most of the Nikkeijin are centered in the
Tokai area especially in Aichi and Shizuoka
Prefectures, and in the Kanto area, especially
in Kanagawa, Saitama, and Gunma Prefectures.
These areas are known for their automobile,
motorcycle, and household appliance manufacturing
industries and the Nikkeijin are usually
employed by subcontractors. In areas where
there are many Nikkeijin, the graffiti in
the public toilets and telephone poles say
things like, ﾒ 外国人は国に帰れﾓ (gaikokujin
kuni ni kaere) [Foreigners go home!] The
signs state that ﾒforeigners like you with
no understanding of Japan are endangering
our unique culture, history, and customsﾓ
The signs threaten that ﾒif the foreign population
increases, attacks will be made on individuals,
so you foreigners should go home without
delayﾓ.25） These signs are written in both
Japanese and Portuguese to make sure the
Nikkei from Brazil realize that they are
the targeted foreigners. Some Nikkei are
made fools of in the workplace if they accidently
use a Portuguese word in a conversation with
a fellow Japanese worker. They are called
names like, ﾒブラ公ﾓ (Burakou)[an insulting
term for a Brazilian)26）
The signs mentioned above are not idle threats.
In October 1997, Komaki City, Aichi Prefecture,
where the Brazilian population has reached
more than 2% of the total, was the scene
of an ugly hate crime perpetrated by a group
of more than ten Japanese teenagers. The
boys planned to retaliate for having had
a car that belonged to one of the groupﾕs
members scratched by a Brazilian who lived
in another town. They decided that it would
be easy to find people who looked like they
were Brazilian in a square in front of Komaki
Station. Yelling things such as, ﾒWhy did
you come to Japan?ﾓ and ﾒWhy canﾕt you guys
speak Japanese?ﾒ and swinging golf clubs,
metal baseball bats, and metal pipes, the
boys set upon a group of ten young ﾒBraziliansﾓ
who were skate-boarding and chatting in the
square. Most of the Brazilians were able
to get away with bruises and broken bones.
But one of the boys was not able to escape.
A fourteen year old Brazilian boy named Herculano
Reiko Lukosevicius was forced into the backseat
of a car and driven to a deserted park where
he was brutally beaten and stabbed to death
by a group of twenty-six juvenile delinquents
armed with metal pipes, wooden swords, and
a knife. Herculano and the other Brazilian
boys were the victims of random violence
against foreigners, Brazilians in particular.
The delinquents faced a sentence of penal
servitude of indeterminate terms (from three
to five years) for their crimes.27）
Not very many people in Komaki understood
the details of the crime as it really happened.
Rumor had it that Herculano was a member
of another juvenile delinquent gang and that
his death was the result of a gang fight.
The city mayor stated at a Komaki City Assembly
meeting that the Brazilian boy was not attending
junior high school even though he was of
school age. Herculano was actually studying
Portuguese at home through a distance-learning
program to help him handle the return trip
to Brazil, but that was never mentioned in
the press. It was as if the residents of
Komaki City were trying to blame the victim
for the crime. The way news programs reported
the crime is also indicative of this mentality.
They introduced the news by saying such things
as, ﾒTrouble brought on by a Bazilian ...ﾓ
or ﾒA Brazilian boy who refuses to attend
the local junior high school ....ﾓ.28） Many
Nikkei from Brazil have begun to feel unsafe
in Komaki and have left to return to Brazil.
Many of the families that still remain in
Komaki are afraid to send their children
to school. Some children are afraid even
to leave their houses and go anywhere near
Komaki station. 29） This is very ironic
considering that many Nikkeijin brought their
families to Japan because they thought it
would be safer than South America.
Nikkeijin are not always the victims of crime.
Discrimination can lead to neurotic and violent
behavior on the part of the guest workers
themselves. The case of Maeda Junior, a twenty-six
year old third generation Nikkei Brazilian
who had been a taxi driver in Brazil, is
illustrative. He had a young wife and baby
at home in Brazil and promised to send them
$2000 every month. A broker tricked him into
leaving his job as a taxi driver for a higher
paying job in Japan which was supposed to
include a dormitory room with a microwave
and a television in a new apartment building.
But when he arrived in Japan, his living
quarters were in an old apartment and the
salary was not as high as he had been led
to believe. Disillusioned with what the broker
had promised, he changed his job five times
in five months, finally ending up working
at a factory in Fujioka City, Gunma Prefecture.
On the day of the crime Maeda Junior had
gone to an ophthalmologist for a drooping
eye lid problem. He was disappointed that
the doctor did not attempt to treat his eye
problem but only gave him a simple eye test.
No one explained to Maeda that his condition
did not need any special treatment. Maedaﾕs
frustration and resentment must have reached
the point of explosion when one of his neighbors
pretended she could not understand when he
tried to greet her. After hearing, ﾒwakaranai,
wakaranai 分からない,ﾓ [I canﾕt understand.]
too many times, Maeda Junior choked his neighbor
to death. Despite the fact that the crime
was not premeditated, that he was obviously
under stress at the time of the crime, and
was very remorseful, Maeda Junior was sentenced
to thirteen years imprisonment at hard labor.30）
After reading the sentence, the judge admonished
Maeda to remember that he was a guest worker
in his grandfatherﾕs country, that he should
have stopped acting like he was still in
Brazil, and that he should have tried to
learn the language and get along with his
fellow workers.31） Considering the light
sentence given the Japanese juvenile delinquents
in Komaki City for brutally beating to death
a Brazilian boy for no reason other than
that he was Brazilian, this sentence seems
particularly severe. Especially since Maeda
repented his crime, but in the Komaki case,
the murderers felt they were justified.32）
Most of the Nikkeijin are doing the 3D (difficult,
dangerous, dirty) jobs that nobody else wants
to do.33） Despite the fact that they are
doing dangerous work, most of them are not
given instructions they can understand, and
accidents are prevalent. Many of them are
day laborers, and are not covered by health
insurance. If they are injured on the job
and have to miss a few days of work, they
are often fired. Many brokers ask the workers
to tell doctors that they had an accident
at home or on the street even though it was
really an on the job accident.34 ）
Very few children are receiving any education
in their native languages and very few schools
have proper Japanese language classes for
them. The children are simply expected to
absorb their education even though their
lack of language skills makes it almost impossible
at first. But some children will never have
the opportunity to attend a Japanese public
school because their birth has not been registered.
If their parents have overstayed their visa
limitations, the children will not be registered
because their parents fear expulsion from
Japan.35）
THE RETURNING ZANRYUU KOJI AND THEIR
FAMILIES
Displaced war orphans started to return to
Japan in 1973 after diplomatic relations
between Japan and China were normalized.
However for the next twenty-three years,
only those who could find mimoto hoshounin
身元保証人(guarantors) were allowed to remain
in Japan. However, in 1993 when twelve zanryuu
fujin demanded to be allowed to return to
Japan (kyoukou kikoku 強行帰国) the Ministry
of Public Welfare decided to allow public
funds to be used (until 1994) to assist all
zanryuu koji / fujin who wished to return
to Japan permanently. As of 1995 a total
of 5057 zanryuu koji / fujin were able to
return to Japan with their expenses paid
by the Japanese government; of the1755 zanryuu
koji / fujin who still remained in China
in 1995, around seven percent still wish
to return to Japan.36）
After the zanryuu fujin / koji have returned
to Japan, they are placed in a training center
for about eight months to learn the basics
of the Japanese language and customs. When
they have completed this program they are
sent to their ﾒhometownsﾓ and are expected
to commute to one of the fifteen Independance
Study Centers for another eight months. Many
of them prefer not to live in their assigned
areas and choose to live in the Tokyo or
Osaka metropolitan areas where they can more
easily make contact with others like themselves.
Japan pays the expenses for returning to
Japan only to the zanryuu fujin / koji, their
spouses, and their single children under
the age of twenty. Many of the zanryuu fujin
/ koji are middle aged or older and have
married children over twenty. If they bring
their extended families, the expences must
be covered by the zanryuu fujin / koji themselves.37）
As of 1995 there were just under 50 thousand
second or third generation zanryuu koji in
Japan who had registered as foreigners with
Chinese citizenship. (In addition to this
number about 15 thousand second or third
generation zanryuu koji have been granted
Japanese citizenship) Only 5000 are the zanryuu
fujin / koji themselves, so on the average,
one first generation war displaced person
has brought over ten second and third generation
zanryuu koji with them.38）
A sample of the second or third generation
zanryuu koji over the age of fifteen in the
Tokyo metropolitan area showed a predictably
high percentage of young people under thirty.
Of these 78% were second generation, 65%
were married, and 71% returned to Japan without
official government assistance. Of the people
in this sample who were educated in China,
56% had lower than a junior high school education.
Those educated in Japan had a higher level
of education, with 48% obtaining a high school
or vocational school (senmon gakko 専門学校)
education. However, when compared with their
Japanese counterparts, 48% is low. According
to the Ministry of Education, as of 1995,
over 95% of the Japanese population in general
advanced to senior high schools.39）
The statistics also show that life in Japan
has not been easy. Recipients of seikatsu
hogo 生活保護 (Livelihood Assistance), at
the time of the survey, only came to 13%,
but 49% responded that they had, at some
time, received seikatsu hogo. Of the 68%
of the survey recipients who were employed,
58% were engaged in manual labor, while only
14% had non-manual labor jobs. The unemployment
rate was 11% in 1995 when the sample was
taken. Although the national average unemployment
rate in Japan (3% in 1996.)40） seems high
to most Japanese, when compared with that
of the zanryuu koji, it is considerably lower.
The economic situation of the zanryuu koji
is reflected in the kinds of housing they
can choose. With the exception of one person
who owned his dwelling, all of the respondents
lived in rented apartments.
Not only are the returning zanryuu koji and
their families pushed into the lower stratum
of society, but they are also subject to
discrimination and predudice. Over half of
the respondents said they felt discriminated
against often or at least sometimes. Their
alienation is also reflected by the statistics.
When they encounter problems and need someone
to talk to, almost half of them (47%) said
they went to other zanryuu koji and 22% said
they had no one to talk to. Over half (60%)
stated that they never visited their Japanese
relatives.41）
It seems that some of the problems faced
by the zanryuu koji could be solved by improved
Japanese language skills. The eight month
training program is not enough to teach them
anything more than survival Japanese. Less
than half of the respondents in the above
survey, felt that they had sufficient skills
in listening (46%), reading and speaking
(44%), or in writing (41%).42 ）
The second and third generation zanryuu koji
are sometimes reported to take part in criminal
activity and juvenile delinquent groups.43）
A theft ring, suspected to have more than
twenty members who are for the most part
second and third generation zanryuu koji,
has stolen clothing and jewely in the Osaka
area. Six Chinese and three other men who
are also second and third generation zanryuu
koji have been arrested in connection with
the case. Police are said to be searching
for other members.44） It seems likely that
second and third generation zanryuu koji
will be prospective suspects.
One young third generation zanryuu koji whose
mother single handedly supported the family
by working from early morning on the cleaning
staff of a building and at night in a bar,
broke under the pressure to be good. In junior
high school he was called ﾒChuugoku, Chuugoku
中国中国ﾓ (Chinese, Chinese). His homeroom
teacher told him that he was out of place
in the classrom. He started to take money
his mother had been saving to buy a car.
Soon he was not coming home at night. His
mother and the Family Counseling Service
had him enter Akiyama Jitsumu Gakkou 秋山実務学校
(a correctional boarding school for troubled
children). His dream is to become a comedian
so that he can make people happy.45）
Identity is another issue the second and
third generation zanryuu koji face. Even
after returning to Japan 58% of the second
and third generation zanryuu koji still had
Chinese citizenship, only 38% said they had
been granted Japanese citizenship, and 5%
said they were in the process of applying
for citizenship. 42% felt srongly that they
wanted to become Japanese citizens, 7% thought
getting Japanese citizenship was ﾓyamu wo
enai やむを得ないﾓ (unavoidable), and 10%
felt ﾒshoukyokuteki 消極的ﾓ (negatively)
about getting Japanese citizenship. When
asked how they perceived their ethnic identity,
over half of them felt stronger ties to China;
34% said they felt Chinese, 25% felt they
were Chinese of Japanese descent, 12% said
they felt they were Japanese of Chinese descent.
Only 9% said they felt they were Japanese.46）
Most of the zanryuu fujin/koji lost all contact
with their families in Japan in the years
following the end of the war. Some of them
were expected never to return alive to Japan.
It is not unusual for them to have been stricken
from the family register as war dead. Others
have no living relations in Japan.47） Since
there is no record of their birth in the
family registers and no one to claim relationship,
many zanryuu fujin/koji are forced to go
through the complicated process of kikoku
帰国 (regaining Japanese citizenship).48）
The very existence of the zanryuu fujin
/
koji was media tabu and the press ignored
the plight of the zanryu fujin/koji
until
1981 when the first group came to Japan
to
look for lost relatives. For a while
there
were special programs on television
focusing
on their situations but they are no
longer
headline makers and rarely make more
than
small spots on the evening news.49）
CONCLUSION
It was the official policy of Japan
to send
emigrants to South America to handle
its
excess labor problem. Japan has made
it legal
for the descendants of these emigrants
to
do the unskilled labor that no one
else in
Japan wants to do. It was also the
official
policy of Japan to send settlers to
Manchukuo,
but they were left to fend for themselves
when the war ended. The zanryuu fujin
/ koji
were allowed to return to Japan only
after
they had forgotten the language and
customs
of their homeland. Both the Nikkei
from South
America and the zanryuu fujin / koji
have
been shuffled around at the political
or
economical convenience of Japan.
They are forced to decide to give up their
Chinese or their South American identity
as long as they stay in Japan. Even while
they are admonished to become model Japanese,
they are constantly reminded of their otherness.
Even their relatives do not want to become
envolved with these outsiders. (Although
the Okinawans keep contact with their Nikkei
relatives and welcome them when they come
to Japan.)50） Their working companions and
classmates make fun of them for being different.
They are expected to follow Japanese customs
and speak the language because they have
ﾒJapanese blood.ﾓ Perhaps that explains why
the instruction the zanryuu koji / fujin
and the Nikkei are given in the Japanese
language and customs is rudimentary at best,
and why they are lucky if their children
can receive instruction in Chinese, Portuguese,
or Spanish.
Japanese language education in the schools
and workplaces should be more complete. Kokusai
rikai 国際理解 (international understanding)
has been a catch phrase for years, but it
usually means carnival like events at the
local civic center. While sampling foreign
cooking and listening to unusual music can
be entertaining, that is not all that is
needed. Too often these events stress the
ﾒothernessﾓ of the Nikkeijin, the zanryuu
fujin / koji, and other foreigners. Fostering
mutual understanding and the acceptance of
differences should be made top priority in
the educational system, local governments,
and the places of work.
Junior high school history textbooks
give
only passing coverage to the zanryuu
fujin
/ koji and the Japanese immigrants
to South
America. Teachers think of them as
potential
problem makers and are missing a wonderful
opportunity to foster intercultural
understanding
in their classrooms. In society in
general,
both the zanryuu fujin / koji and the
Nikkeijin
workers are becoming a new underclass
of
people who are Japanese by descent
but are
perceived as being different and foreign.
Children and adults alike are faced
with
a double identity, neither are they
ﾒrealﾓ
foreigners nor are they ﾒrealﾓ Japanese.
Their ethnic identities have become
displaced.
They do not feel at home in Japan and
Japan
has not made the effort to help make
them
feel at home.
Notes:
(Unless otherwise noted all Japanese
books
have Tokyo publishing addresses.)
1)Thomas Sowell, a scholar who should know
better, still states in Migrations and Cultues,
ﾒJapan is ... one of the few major nations
of modern times to have a racially homogeneous
population.ﾓ Sowell, Thomas , Migrations
and Cultures: A World View, (New York: Basic
Books, 1996) p. 107
2) 駒井 洋,『新来外国人の実態』in 駒井 洋、編者代表「新来・定住外国人」（明石書店,
1997）pp.12-15. [Komai Hiroshi (1997), ﾕShinrai
gaikokujin no jittaiﾕ in Komai Hiroshi,
ed., Shinrai, teijuu gaikokujin (Newcomers
and permanent residents), (Akashi Shoten,.1997)
pp.12-15]
3)青木秀男, 『差別と偏見』 in 駒井 洋、編者代表「新来・定住外国人」（明石書店,
1997) pp.218-221. [Aoki, Hideo (1997), ﾕSabetsu
to henkenﾕ (Discrimination and prejudice)
in Komai Hiroshi, ed.（1996）, Shinrai, teijuu
gaikokujin (Newcomers and permanent residents),
Akashi Shoten. pp.218-221]
4) The terminology used to refer to the war
displaced orphans and wives varies. Sometimes
they are referred to zanryuu koji 中国残留婦人・孤児、
or chugoku kikokusha 中国帰国者 depending
on the writerﾕs outlook. The terms zanryuu
koji / zanryuu fujin will be used in this
paper.
5) Sowell, p.105
6) 高橋幸春,「日系人：その移民の歴史」(三一書房,
1997) pp. 9-10、[Takahashi, Koharu (1997)
Nikkeijin: sono imin no rekishi, (Nikkeijin:
The history of their immigration), (Sanﾕichi
shobo, 1997) pp. 9-10
7) Takahashi, pp.10-11
8) Kodansha (ed.), Japan: An illustrated
encyclopedia, (Tokyo: Kodansha 1993) p.334
9) 豊住マルシア 『日系人て、なに人?』in 月刊社会教育編集部（編）「日本で暮らす外国人の学習権」(国土社,
1993) pp. 49-52 [Houzumi Marushia (1993)
ﾔNikkeijin te nanijin?ﾔ (Are Nikkeijin South
Americans or Japanese?) in Gekkan shakai
kyouiku henshubu (ed.), Nihon de kurasu gaikokujin
no gakushuken, (Kokudo sha,1993) pp. 49-52
10) Houzumi, pp. 49-52
11) 文化庁文化部国語課（編）「中国帰国者のための日本語教育Q＆A」(大蔵省印刷局,
1997) pp.5-6 [Bunkachou bunkabu kokugoka
(ed.), Chugoku kikokusha no tame no hihongokyoiku
Q&A, (Japanese language education for
Chinese returning to Japan, Q&A), Okura
sho insatsu kyoku. (Okurasho, 1997) pp. 5-6
12) I am using a modified form of the Pinyin
system of romanization (no diacritical marks).
The Japanese readings of the above place
names are as follows: Heilongjiang 黒龍江=
Kokuryuukou, Liaoning 遼寧 = Ryuunei, Jilin
吉林 = Kitsurin.
13) Available at: <http://www.kikousha-center.or.jp/kikokujijo/shuki/sm/
gaikyo.html>
14) Komai, pp. 81-82
15) 菅原幸助、「日本の国籍を下さい」(三一書房,1998)
pp.14 [Sugawara Kosuke (1998) Nihon no kokuseki
wo kudasai (Please return my Japanese citizenship),
(Sanﾕichi shobo, 1998) p.14]
16) Houzumi, pp. 52-53
17) 江成 幸『ラテンアメリカ日系人』in 駒井 洋、編者代表1新来・定住外国人」(明石書店,
1997), pp. 52-55. [Enari, Koh (1997), ﾕRatin
amerika nikkeijinﾕ (Latin American Nikkeijin)
in Komai Hiroshi, ed., Shinrai, teijuu gaikokujin
(Newcomers and permanent residents), (Akashi
Shoten,1997) pp. 52-55)
18) Enari, pp. 52-55
19) Houzumi, p. 53
20) Enari, pp. 52-55; and 小島 聡 『毋言教員の加配』in
駒井 洋、編者代表 「新来・定住外国人」（明石書店,
1997) pp. 214-215 [Kojima, Satoru (1997),
' Bogokyoin nokahaiﾕ (Additional native
language
teachers) in Komai Hiroshi, ed., Shinrai,
teijuu gaikokujin (Newcomers and permanent
residents), (Akashi Shoten,1997) pp.
214-215]
21) 青木秀男『差別と偏見』 in 駒井 洋、編者代表1（1996）「新来・定住外国人」(明石書店,
1997) pp. 218-221. [Aoki, Hideo (1997),
ﾕSabetsu to henkenﾕ (Discrimination and prejudice)in Komai
Hiroshi, ed., Shinrai, teijuu gaikokujin
(Newcomers and permanent residents), )Akashi
Shoten. 1997) pp. 218-221]
22) Houzumi, p. 57
23) Takahashi, p. 4
24) Houzumi, p. 53
25) 大宮知信「デカセーギ：逆流する日系ブラジル人」(草思社,
1997) p. 189 [Omiya, Tomonobu, Dekasegi:
gyakuryu sure Nikkei Burujirujin (Migrant
workers: returning Nikkei Brazilians) (Soshisha,
1997) p.189
26) Omiya, p.181
27) Available at:<http://www.iac.co.jp/~issho/herculano72098.html>
andラズロ、T『ブラジル人は少年はなぜ殺されたか』in
「世界」 １９９８年９月号（Laslo, T. ﾔBurajirujin
shonen wa naze korosaretakaﾔ (Why was the
Brazilian teenager killed?) in Sekai (Sekai,
Sept.,1998) pp. 220-221
28)(<http://www.iac.co.jp/~issho/herculano72098 .html>
and Laszlo, pp. 220-221)
29) Laszlo, pp. 220-221)
30) Omiya, pp.178-180
31) Omiya, pp.178-180
32) Available at: <http://www.iac.co.jp/~issho/herculano72098.html>
33) Actually in Japan, these jobs are known
as the 3K jobs (kitsui きつい, kiken 危険,
kitanaiきたない)
34) Houzumi, pp. 52-3
35) 中川明 「マイノリティの子どもたち」（明石書店,1998）p.42
[Nakagawa Akira, Minority Children, (Akashi
Shoten,1998) p. 42)
36) Komai, p. 80
37) Komai, p. 81
38) Komai, pp. 110-111)
39) Asahi Shimbun (ed.) (1997) Japan Almanac,
(Tokyo: Asahi shinbun sha, 1996) p. 240
40) 集英社（編）(1998) イミダス (集英社,
1998) p. 96 [Shueisha (ed.) Imidas (Innovative
Multi-information Dictionary, Annual Series),
(Shueisha, 1997) p.96
41) Komai, pp.110-111
42) Komai, pp.110-111
43) Komai, p.101
44) Yomiuri Shimbun, September 7, 1998
45) Mainichi Shimbun, October 27, 1998
46) Komai, pp. 110-111)
47) 菅原幸助、「日本の国籍を下さい」(三一書房,1998)
p. 243 [Sugawara Kosuke (1998) Nihon no kokuseki
wo kudasai (Please return my Japanese citizenship),
(Sanﾕichi shobo,1998) p. 243
48) Sugawara, pp. 1-3)
49) 遠藤光男,「中国残留孤児の軌跡」(三一書房,
1992) p.11 [Endo, Mitsuo (1992), Chugoku
zanryu koji no kiseki (The roots of the zannryu
koji from China), (Sanﾕichi shobo, 1992)
p. 11
50) Sekkek, Yoko , ﾔNikkeijin: the
phenomenon
of return migrationﾕ in Michael Weiner
(ed.),
Japanﾕs Minorities: the illusion of
homogeneity,
(London and New York: Routledge, 1997)
p.
199 .
和文要旨
日本は単一民族が島国に住み、独特な文化を持っているということが通説になっている。政治家、教科書や学校の先生、メディアなども「日本人は単一民族だから...」と頻繁に言うため、ほとんどの人はそのように考えている。しかし、最近の日本は多民族社会であることを認めざるを得ない状況にある。南アメリカから来日している日系人と中国からの帰国した残留婦人／孤児は歴史的背景は異なるが、それぞれが直面している問題や悩みは根本的に同様である。つまり「日本人」であるが「日本人」ではないというダブル・アイデンティティの問題である。本稿は、在日の日系人と帰国残留婦人／孤児のそれぞれの状況を研究し考察するものである。 |
